Growing Political Tensions Threaten Somalia’s State-Building Progress' - UN Security Council Briefing

The Head of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) and Special Representative of the UN Secretary General for Somali Republic – James Swan, on Monday the 22^nd February 2021 briefed and told the Security Council that “growing political tensions threaten Somalia’s state-building progress and even security unless they are resolved through dialogue and compromise in the interest of the country.” 

Source: UN Youtube Channel https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hw3CCzi4Azc&feature=emb_title

Briefing via video teleconference (VTC), James Swan, who is also the Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Somalia, said, “Unfortunately, instead we are seeing increased brinkmanship, pressure tactics, and tests of strength that can only heighten risks.”

The political standoff, he said, “has blocked implementation of the electoral model agreed by the Federal Government of Somalia President and Federal Member State leaders on 17 September 2020.”

Swan said the consensus-based 17 September model “offers the best available option to proceed quickly to an electoral process for selection of members of parliament, senators, and the president” and would “minimize further delays in Somalia’s four-year transition cycle, ensure that the chosen national leaders have a clear mandate and are widely accepted, and allow the country to turn its attention from the current political competition to other vital national priorities in the interest of its people.”

He said, “the Somali people have waited a long time to see progress, and it remains fragile,” and urged Somalia’s political leaders “to pull back from confrontation and avoid risky winner-take-all tactics.” 

The full briefing of the SRSG - James Swan on 22nd February 2021 reads as follow: 

Madame President, Distinguished Members of the Council, Thank you for this opportunity to once again update the Council on the situation in Somalia.

I am pleased to appear jointly with my dear colleague, Ambassador Francisco Madeira, Special Representative of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission.  Let me take this opportunity at the beginning of this session to pay tribute to the commitment and sacrifice of AMISOM forces in Somalia since 2007 alongside courageous Somali Forces.

Today’s meeting of the Council is timely in view of the significant developments in Somalia in recent weeks, and even days.  Growing political tensions threaten Somalia’s state-building progress and even security unless they are resolved through dialogue and compromise in the interest of the country.  Unfortunately, instead we are seeing increased brinkmanship, pressure tactics, and tests of strength that can only heighten risks.

The political standoff among key Somali leaders has blocked the implementation of the electoral model agreed by the Federal Government of Somalia President and Federal Member State leaders on 17th September 2020.  This model was formally endorsed by both houses of Parliament and supported by all other major political actors, but implementation is in dispute.  I will return to this point.

Tensions over electoral implementation have now been compounded by questions raised by some political figures over the legitimacy of the president’s mandate following the expiry of his constitutional term on 8 February. The Government cites an October ‘parliamentary resolution’ permitting the President to remain, but this is contested by others.

Meanwhile, on the morning of February 19, a day of protests announced by the opposition Council of Presidential Candidates, several violent incidents were reported.  Although full details are unconfirmed, these incidents reportedly included armed exchanges between government security personnel and security teams employed by the opposition, as well as recourse to live fire by government forces to disperse protestors.

Public communication from key leaders has become increasingly polemical and confrontational, revealing the frustration, mistrust, and sense of grievance felt by many.

Hence, this is a tense moment in Somalia, as both rhetoric and actions are escalating.

Madame President,

In light of the above, let me briefly recap recent efforts to move forward with the implementation of the 17 September electoral model.

At the invitation of the Federal Government, FGS and FMS leaders met in Dhusamareb from 2 to 6 February, and made progress but reached no final agreement on the contentious issues, namely: the composition of the electoral management bodies; the modalities for selecting representatives from “Somaliland” in federal institutions; and the management of elections in the Gedo region of Jubbaland State.

Subsequently, the Federal Government convened a technical committee of senior ministers from the FGS and FMS, who met in Baidoa from 15 to 16 February. The Committee announced that it had arrived at technical solutions for the contentious issues, it reaffirmed commitment to the 30 per cent women’s quota in the electoral process, and it noted the need for a revised but short new electoral calendar.

On the basis of the Committee’s work, the Federal Government called for a FGS-FMS leaders’ summit to be held in Mogadishu from 18 to 19 February.  Yet, events of recent days have disrupted these plans, and the leaders of Jubbaland and Puntland have so far regrettably declined to join the FGS and other FMSes for a summit. Along with other partners, we continue efforts to understand and address the concerns of these two leaders so that they may join the process to advance the 17 September agreement.

In view of this worrying impasse, in recent days I have worked closely, alongside other regional and international partners, to engage FGS and FMS leaders, key political figures, and civil society representatives to urge a way forward based on dialogue and compromise in the national interest.  The message from partners has been clear that there should be no partial elections, no parallel processes, and no unilateral actions by Somali leaders.  Such approaches would only lead to greater division and the risk of confrontation.

Madame President,

Let me be clear:  I remain convinced that the consensus-based 17 September model offers the best available option to proceed quickly to an electoral process for selection of members of parliament, senators, and the president.  This would minimize further delays in Somalia’s four-year transition cycle, ensure that the chosen national leaders have a clear mandate and are widely accepted, and allow the country to turn its attention from the current political competition to other vital national priorities in the interest of the people.

To move forward on this path, it is imperative that Somali leaders use all available channels for dialogue and consultation, including contacts with a wide range of political stakeholders and influential civil society figures so that their important voices are heard.  To build trust in the process, it will also be necessary to ensure that the management and oversight of the agreed electoral process are as impartial and independent as possible, and subject to regular monitoring.  Core political freedoms including those of speech, assembly, organization, and access to media must be ensured. And communication among the main actors – and especially the FGS and FMS leaders – must continue on a regular and frequent basis to minimize future misunderstandings and resolve problems before they escalate.

The United Nations and other international partners stand ready to walk with Somalis on this path forward, through providing good offices or a forum for dialogue, offering technical assistance to the process, and monitoring implementation of commitments, should the Somali parties find these contributions useful.

The longer national political attention continues to be focused on the current impasse over holding elections, the greater will be the negative impact on other priorities, such as advancing security and economic reforms, finalizing the constitution, and pursuing the development agenda.

Madame President,

Al-Shabab continues to pose the primary threat to the security of the country.  Al-Shabab has increased its operational tempo since August 2020, and the beginning of 2021 has seen a new peak in the number of attacks, including more Person-Borne and Vehicle-Borne IEDs, targeting government officials and key figures in Somali society.

Important military gains were made by Somali Security Forces backed by AMISOM in the Lower Shabelle region in early 2019 and again in early 2020, and these are now being consolidated to enable further progress against Al Shabab in other areas.  UNSOS has remained steadfast in delivery of support to AMISOM and eligible Somali forces throughout this period, despite the complications of the COVID pandemic.

Meanwhile, preparatory work has been completed to advance the security transition in Somalia in 2021, as requested by this Council. The Federal Government organized meetings of the Security and Justice Committee as well as the Somalia Partnership Forum in early December – thereby advancing the Comprehensive Approach to Security and the Mutual Accountability Framework. We encourage the Government to continue these efforts, and to hold the Force Generation Conference announced by the Prime Minister as soon as possible. The Council-mandated Independent Assessment of the security situation and the role of international partners was submitted to the Council on January 8, and the Somalia Transition Plan was updated and presented by the Somali Government to security partners and the African Union PSC in early February.  These are all important elements to advance the security transition this year and lay the foundations for further progress in the future.

Madame President,

The humanitarian situation in Somalia remains dire. The number of people in need of assistance will increase from 5.2 million persons last year to an estimated 5.9 million persons in 2021. This is the result of increased food insecurity, climatic disasters, the worst desert locust infestation in decades, and the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. Unfortunately, in recent weeks we have seen a renewed spike in COVID cases in Somalia, which will only exacerbate the already difficult humanitarian situation. Somalia is eligible for the COVAX vaccine programme, and the United Nations, in close collaboration with the Somali authorities, will ensure that the first batch of vaccines is effectively distributed to front line workers and vulnerable groups across the country. While we are deeply grateful for the generous donor contributions in 2020, the humanitarian needs will continue to be high and we again appeal for donor support to the Humanitarian Response Plan for 2021, for which $1.09 billion is requested.

The UN family also continues to work with Somali authorities and partners on longer-term solutions to these recurrent humanitarian shocks.  For example, our Mission’s Environmental Advisor is engaging the Government to develop climate-related policies and strategies as well as practical responses to flood and drought cycles impacted by climatic conditions.

Madame President,

While these quarterly briefings typically focus on the latest political, security, and humanitarian developments, we must always remain mindful that enduring positive change for Somalis will require institution building; improvements in governance through many elements including constitutional reform; investment in health and education; greater participation by women, youth and marginalized groups; and other long-term reforms.  The UN in Somalia continues its work with Somalis in all these areas, knowing this will take persistence and perseverance.

It is imperative that these larger future goals be borne in mind by Somalia’s political leaders.  The Somali people have waited a long time to see progress, and it remains fragile.

That is why I conclude by urging all of Somalia’s political leaders to pull back from confrontation and avoid risky winner-take-all tactics.  Instead, this is a time to pursue dialogue and compromise to reach an inclusive and credible political agreement to hold elections as soon as possible based on the 17 September model.

Thank you.

#Somalia #UN #UNSOM #Federal_Member_States #Election #FGS #FMS #IC #James Swan

ISS Africa: Somalia misses a vital meeting with the electorate

 Written by Peter Fabricius, Institute of Security Studies Consultant (Published on 12th Feb 2021)

The original article can be found: https://issafrica.org/iss-today/somalia-misses-a-vital-meeting-with-the-electorate

Politicians have allowed ongoing quarrels over the centralization of power to put a hold on democracy.

It wasn’t even going to be a real one-person, one-vote election. That had been the original plan but had proved too ambitious. So Somalia reverted to its previous practice – an indirect election where powerful clan elders would elect delegates who would elect legislators who would elect the national president.

But even that relatively modest ambition proved too much for the Somali politicians to implement, and so no election was held this week on the appointed date of 8 February. A country already battling to navigate stormy seas then entered even less charted waters. This was the first time elections had been delayed beyond the expiration of the government’s mandate – without an agreed plan on the way forward.

The national political opposition and that in the federal state of Jubaland proclaimed on Monday that President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed – alias Farmaajo – was now governing without a mandate, and so withdrew recognition of him.

But Farmaajo is invoking the legislation passed last year after the 17 September political agreement among all parties on the holding of elections. That ruling says that government institutions will remain in place until their successors have been formed. Without a constitutional court, the issue remains unresolved legally, though potentially explosive politically.

The role of outside countries has been immense and immensely controversial in the Somali conflict.

The United Nations (UN), African Union (AU) and many other external forces are piling on the pressure for the Somalis to set a new date. But, as senior Somalia analyst for the International Crisis Group, Omar Mahmood says, the levels of distrust among the politicians are now so high that it’s difficult to see them maintaining consensus to hold elections soon, even if there is a new agreement.

That distrust was evident on Wednesday when Farmaajo proposed a meeting with the opposition forces and the federal states on 15 February – in Garowe, capital of Puntland, the enemy’s den, so to speak. Puntland President Said Abdullahi Deni said that while he welcomed another meeting, the choice of venue was an ‘ambush.’ The opposition presidential candidates also insist that the meeting be held in Mogadishu and that Farmaajo attends as just another candidate, not as head of state.

The role of outside countries – especially neighbours – has been immense and immensely controversial in the Somali conflict. Abdimalik Abdullahi, a Mogadishu and Nairobi based Somali political researcher and analyst, notes that ‘international partners are instrumental for Somalia’s recovery. They have invested in the state building and peace building efforts for the last two decades.

‘Their contribution can be largely termed as a positive one but of course some of the countries including frontline and neighbouring countries and Gulf countries are an affront to the political stability of the country by allegedly bankrolling and grooming some of the Somali leaders who will eventually work as their proxies.’

Nevertheless, Mahmood believes a more robust, hands-on intervention by external players – led by the UN but including the AU and regional powers such as Ethiopia and Kenya – would have a better chance to put the process back on track.

Al-Shabaab, as ever, is circling the squabbling political antagonists, seeking to exploit the impasse

Meanwhile al-Shabaab, as ever, is circling the squabbling political antagonists, hyena-like, seeking to exploit the impasse. A deadly attack on Hotel Afrik in central Mogadishu on 31 January in which nine people died – including four al-Shabaab terrorists – appears to have been a warning shot against holding the election. The same goes for several attacks last year in Dhusamareb, capital of Galmudug State, while politicians were negotiating the 17 September agreement on the holding of elections.

So why were the polls not held? In essence, Mahmood says, it’s about who can better influence the elections, with the opposition dismissing the notion that Farmaajo’s government should be both the referee and a player. Specifically, the opposition claims that Farmaajo has stuffed the election organising committees, at national level as well as in some federal states, with his own supporters.

Another issue has been the electoral committee for Somaliland which will be represented in Somalia’s Parliament, even though it has unilaterally declared independence. The Mogadishu government has claimed the right to appoint Somaliland’s electoral committee. The opposition insisted that should be done by the highest-ranking selected leader originally from Somaliland – the Upper House of Parliament Speaker.

But the biggest sticking point was and remains whether Mogadishu or the Jubaland federal state government should run the elections in Gedo region, one of two voting points in the state. Jubaland President Ahmed Madobe last weekend accused Farmaajo rather extravagantly of ‘lacking a single factor of normalcy’ – saying he had reneged on prior agreements on the Gedo elections.

As Mahmood says, Farmaajo and Madobe have been at daggers drawn throughout the past year over the control of Gedo, so the election is just part of that.

The standoff blocking elections is a microcosm of the wider problem that bedevils Somali politics.

‘The federal government is trying to hold that election the way things currently stand, where they have security forces on the ground; and where they’ve been able to replace some of the local administrators. And of course Jubaland is against that, saying, “This falls under our mandate, our state, we should be the ones in charge of that process.”’

So the standoff that is blocking the elections is in a sense a microcosm of the wider problem that is bedevilling Somali politics – the issue of centralisation of power versus real federalism and decentralisation. Farmaajo has tried throughout his term to control the federal states by insisting on presidents loyal to him. He has succeeded in the other three states, but not Puntland or Jubaland.

Mahmood says ‘there’s plenty of blame to go around’ for the current impasse. But although Farmaajo has made some progress on certain issues during his presidency, his administration has also made domestic enemies.

‘Political divisions are greater than they were four years ago, and that’s a byproduct of his vision to have more centralised governance from Mogadishu and to take a little bit of that away from the federal member states … trying to dominate your way through Somalia has proved too divisive.’

Abdullahi agrees that Farmaajo’s attempts to centralise power largely contributed to the political clashes. ‘The President failed to foster political stability of the country, hence falling short of his campaign pledges and furthering national priorities. On the other hand, he has done some good work in terms of security sector reforms, debt relief and establishing a number of crucial government institutions and centres.’ Abdullahi is optimistic that an agreement will be reached soon.

That is urgent as Somalia cannot afford to let political squabbles aggravate the country’s existing instability. One would think the Somali politicians would be much more united against a deadly common enemy – al-Shabaab. But it seems even their survival instincts have been subordinated to the desire for power and patronage.

#Somalia_Elections  #Democracy  #Somalia

Book Review in Somali - HOW THE WORLD WORKS

Buuga la yidhaa 'How the world works' ee uu qoray NOAM CHOMSKY waa buug aad u xiiso badan runtiina ay ku fiican tahay in ay akhriyaan ardayda barata xidhiidhka caalamiga iyo diplomaasiyadda. Waxa laga yaabaa inaad mararka qaar ku dawakhdo arrimo isu kaa qaban waaya oo aad ka aragto saxaafadda caalamiga ah, ninkii weerarka qaadayay oo sheeganaya waxaa wax ka duwan, cid aad u aragto in ay xaq ku taagan tahay oo aan arrimaheeda cidiba dheg u dhigayn 'Qaramada Middobayna' dhehoo, waddan nabad ah dimuqraadi ah oo aan cidiba hansal siinayn, waddan inqilaab militari ka dhacay oo haddana dowladaha reer galbeedku aad u amaanayaan oo weliba kab dhaqaale iyo deymo badan siinayaan; Sidaa marka ay tahay, haddii aad buugan akhrido waxa aad fahmi doontaa wax badan oo hadda kaa daahsoon iyo in sharcigu yahay ninka xoogga weyni waxa uu rabo haba khaldanaado, danta uu doono na ha ka lahaado.

Ninka odayga ah ee qoray buugu waa khabiir aad ilaa aad ugu xeel dheer sida adduunka loo macaamilo gaar ahaan dhaqaalaha iyo siyaasadda oo aan marnaba kala maarmin iyo shanta qaaradood iyo waxyaabaha kala duwan ee ka dhacaya.
Aan ku horeeyo hordhaca buuga kuna dheeraan maayee NOAM CHOMSKY waa nin reer maraykan ah oo lagu sifeeyay qaabka falsafaddiisa inuu kusoo xigi karo dadka magacyadoodu kala yihiin Marx, Lenin, Shakespeare, Plato.
Buuggani waxa uu ka kooban yahay afar buug oo muddooyin kala duwan uu isla qoraagu qoray oo maadaama ay yihiin kuwa is-qaadan kara laga dhigay hal buug (volume) oo wada socda. Waxa uu u habaysan yahay buugu qaab su'aal iyo jawaab ah oo ninka weriyaha ah ee layidhaa David Barsamian uu kolba su'aal weydiinayo qoraaguna uga jawaabayo qaab xirfadaysan isaga oo aan carabaabayn waxyaabo la odhan karo waa sir ay dawladuhu ku qabsan karaan haddana sida wax u jiraan soo koobaya isaga oo inta badan soo xiganaya dad kale oo caan ah iyo qoraaladooda ama waraysiyo ay bixiyeen.
Afarta buug-yare ee halkan la isugu keenay waxa la kala yidhaa:

1.     What Uncle Sam Really Wants

2.     The Prosperous Few and The Restless Many

3.     Secrets, Lies and Democracy

4.     The Common Good.

Haddaba, anoo soo koobaya afartaa qeybood mid waliba nuxurka uu koobsanayo oo guudmar ah ayaa sidan u dhigan:

Qeybta (ama buug-yaraha) ugu horeeya 'How the world works' ama 'Sida Adduunku u Shaqeeyo' waa buug-yaraha layidhaa 'What Uncle Sam Really wants' ama 'Adeero Sam muxu dhab u rabaa? Adeero Sam waa kuma? Adaa sheegi haddii aad si fiican u akhrido-na waad fahmi doontaa anigu se kuu sii sheegi maayo!

Laga yaabe inaad maqashay, waddan'na ma samaysto 'Siyaasad Arrimo Dibadeed' haddii aanu lahayn cadaw ama dano kaga xidhan cid waddankiisa ka baxsan sida jaarkiisa soke iyo kuwo shisheba. Arrimaha xiisaha leh ee qaybtan laga akhriyi karo waxa ka mid ah siyaasadda arrimaha dibadda ee Marakaynka (US Foreign Policy) iyo waxyaabaha aasaaska u ah oo inta badan cid u kuur gasha mooyee aanay inta badan dadka badankoodu fahmi karin cidda fahantaana ay keliya ogaato balse aanay wax saamayn ah ku yeelan karin haddii shanqadh laga maqlona sanka loo dalooliyo sidii lo'da iyadoo halhaleelaysana wixii laga rabay u qabato sidii ay ahayd.

Waxa kale oo Noam uu kaga sheekaynayaa si Adeero Sam u gaadho wuxu rabo uu ka geysto dhibaatooyin badan waddamada dibadda sidaa si lamid ahna gudaha arrimo badan ka jiraan sida la dagaalanka daroogada, aqoon darada ladagaalanka sirdoonada waddamada kale sida China iyo Russia; iyadoo sidaa ay tahayna ay muhimadda koowaad tahay in adduunka ka baxsan saamayn balaadhan lagu yeesho dagaal iyo dimuqraadiyad labadaba - intaasoo la isku xooray mustaqbalka sideebay u eekayssinayaan - Noam Chomsky ayaa ka sheekeynaya.

Qebta (ama buug-yaraha) labaad ee 'The Prosperous Few & The Restless Many' ama 'Inta yar ee dheregtay iyo Inta badan ee hiiftaamaysa' oo macnaheedu yahay in aan marnaba adduunka aanay ka jirin caddalad oo meel kasta dhaqaaluhu inyar ku urursanyahay inta badanina ay shaqo iyo daal la hiiftaamayso si ay nolol u sameeyaan. Qeybtani waa qeybta uu qoraagu ku xusayo Somalia gaar ahaan hawlgalkii Maraykanka iyo Qaramada Midoobay ka fuliyeen sannadihii 1992 - 1995 halkaasi oo ay xogo muhiim ahi ku qoran yihiin - Somalia miyaa loo soo gurmaday si loo caawiyo mise dano kale oo lamid ah kuwa laga soo yeeshay addunka kale sida Chile, Ecuador, Salvador, Vietnam iwm ayuumbaa iyana laga lahaa.
Tibaaxaha muhiimka ah ee casriganna la isticmaalo in badan aad ka maqli karto idaacadaha iyo faalooyinka ay weriyeyaashu tabiyaan ayaa iyaguna ku xusan qeybtan sida "Food & Third World, Divide & Conquer, Roots of Racism Vs Class'.

Qeybta (ama buug-yaraha) Sadexaad waxa layidhaa 'Secrets, Lies and Democracy' ama 'Falgalka arrimaha sirta ah ee aan la sheegin beentana lagu meel mariyo'! oo ay dimuqraadiyaddu ka mid tahay, qeybtan oo sheekooyin badan oo kala duwani ku qoran yihiin haddana waxaan kasoo qaadanayaa in kooban oo khuseysa 'Democracy' oo dhegaha inta badan kusoo noqnoqota oo ah sidan hoose:

"The doctrinal meaning of democracy refers to a system in which decisions are made by sectors of business community and related elites. The public are to be only "spectators of action" not "participants," as leading democratic theorists have explained. They are permitted to ratify the decisions of their betters and to lend their support to one or another of them but not to interfere with the matters - like public policy - that are non of their business (Excerpt from the Book - How the world works)".

Qebta (buug-yaraha) afraad uguna dambeeya 'How the world works' ayaa la yidhaa 'The Common Good' ama Samaanta Guud ama Daryeelka Guud oo aad macnihiisa kusoo dhawaysan karto - equality (sinaan), media (saxaafad), freedom (xoriyad), voting (codayn ama kala doorasho), resistance and its causes (wax iska caabin iyo waxa sababa), manufacturing (wax-soo-saar), globalization (caalamiyayn iyo in waxii la isaga baahdo la kala iibsado, la kala dhaco, la kala baryo, la isu abaal dhigto);
Buug-yarahan oo markii u horeysay la daabacay 1998 ayaa faahfaahinaya 'Samaha Guud' amaba ma jiri karaa waddan ka shaqayn kara danaha waddan kale, haa, waa haddii uu soo dhamaystiray dhamaan baylahdii ka jirtay gudihiisa, weligeedna ma dhacdo. Taasaa isugu soo ururaysa ma jirto cid wadda cid kale danteed laakiin waxa ay rabtaa cid kastaa inay teeda kordhisato ama ugu yaraan awrkeedii oo kici waayay lala kiciyo.

Ugu dambayn waxaan kusoo gebogabaynayaa, guudmarkan kooban ee buuga layidhaa 'How the World Works' arrin xiiso leh oo ah: Waddamada adduunka waa lakala xoog weyn yahay inta xoogga waaweyni waxa ay kala ishaaqsadeen inta bilaa tamarta ah; markaa waddamada aan awooda lahayni waa inay u hogaansamaan rabitaanka kuwa xooga waaweyn haddii kale waa 'Khalli Walli' - The threat of good example ama nuxurkii heestii soomaaliga ahayd ee Xasan Waddo (reer Jabuuti) uu qaadi jiray ayaa meesha ka dhacaysa iyadoo meelo kala duwan la isu soo maro - mucaarad la isku hubeeyo, afgambi la abaabulo, ama in kabaha la isulasoo galo oo ciidan yaacayaa waddankaa daf yidhaa sidii Vietnam iyo Iraq.

“Wankayga Caddoow ha naaxin;

“Baruurtu wadkaaga weeyee!”

Dhamaad!

Waxa qoray Samatar Ahmed | samatar.gahayr@gmail.com | Hargeisa

 

 

The New Era & Its Knowhow - Aqoonta Cusub iyo Waxtarkeeda!

It had been in the year 2014 when I have decided to get enrolled for an important post-graduate course titled ‘Peace and Conflict Studies’ at the University of Hargeisa – and I did complete that as required and attained the ‘Post-graduate Diploma on Peace and Conflict Studies.  The programme was a cross-cutting process regarding the types, theories, analysis of conflict as well as transforming it to a ‘Peaceful co-existence between/among the conflicting parties’ which is one of the driving motives of the United Nations and bigger international community forums.  Some of the areas pertinent to the subject—Peace & Conflict Studies included the internationally accepted theories, the role of media in causing conflict and resolving it on the other hand, Peace building versus Peacekeeping, Indigenous ADR, Human Rights, Environment and Gender.

I really felt grateful to have detected that important ad on the local papers at the outset and went ahead to it.  It not only changed the way I was looking at the different conflicts—local, regional and international but it helped me to be able to come up with the possible scenarios that could be mitigating or aggravating a certain issue that may encounter me or I got to know about it, thus, I would collect, analyze and present a short article that in an amateur and academically-motivated form based on the publicly available data on reliable websites, YouTube and Social Media.  This could be used as a literature should it match an area of interest for someone here or there, but proper citation will be needed!

By the way, in order to be further be conversant to this topic in an international setting, I decided to study Global Studies and International Relations as my Masters which I have recently concluded and continue reading multiple different books on these two areas where I have become experienced—PACS & GSIR.

In both English and Somali languages, I shall be publishing on my LinkedIn and Blogger.com pages personal articles on different issues across the Somali & Arabian Peninsulas, the Horn of Africa and Africa where conflicts and Peace Operations are prevalent currently as of 2019!

Samatar G. Ahmed

MA in Global Studies and International Relations |

C/o: Hargeisa, Republic of Somaliland

Summarized Translation in Somali:

Waxay ahayd badhtamihii sannadkii 2014 markii aan ku arkay mid ka mid ah jaraa’idada kasoo baxa magaalada Hargeysa xayaysiis baahinaya in ay Jaamacadda Hargeisa qaadanayso dufcad cusub oo baran doona ‘Barashada Xallinta Khilaafaadka iyo Nabada’ aanan ku dhiiraday inaan ka midho-dhaliyo illaa dhamaadkii kuna guulaystay.  Qeybaha ay waxbarashadaasi ka koobnayd waxa kamid ahaa, Adduunka kale ee aan Somalida ahayn, side dadka aqoonyahaka ahi u daraaseeyeen ugana soo saareen ‘hal-muceedyo-theories’ la isla ogolyahay oo quseeya noocyada kala duwan ee khilaafaadka ka dhaca adduunyada; kala-duwanaanshaha raga iyo dumarku side ayuu u saameeyaa marka khilaaf ama dagaal dhaco doorkeesee dhinac waliba ciyaaraa; degaanka, isgaadhsiinta/saxaafadda iyo khayraadka dabiiciga ahi door ma ku leeyihiin inuu khilaaf abuurmo; dhanka kale marka dagaal qarxo, xuquuqda aadamuhu maxay dambarsataa, dadka aan dagaalka ku jirin ee afka soomaaliga lagu yidhaa ‘maxasta’ xaalkoodu siduu ku dambeeya; intaasoo dhan ka dib sidee loo xallin karaa dhibkaa iyo dagaalkaa dhacay?

Haddaba aqoontaa cusub ee igu soo korodhay sannadkaasi oo aan runtii aad u mahadiyay waxa ay ii saamaxday in aan fikir ahaan iska bedello qaabkii hore ee aan u arki jiray khilaafyada ka dhaca deegaanka aa ku noolahay ee Somaliland, gobolka Geeska Afrika iyo wadamada jaarka ahba sida Yemen oo hadda dagaal riiq-dheeraaday kasocdo muddo sannado badan ah illaa 2011 la islana daalay isuna bedelay hadda dagaal balaadhan (proxy war) ay ku loolamayaan awoodo aan ahayn reer Yemen.

Daraasaadkii aan samaynay iyo akhriskii badnaa arrinkan la xidhiidhay wuxu igusii dhiiri geliyay inaan barto kuna diyaariyo waxbarashada heerka 2aad ee Masters of Arts – Barashada Xidhiidhka Caalamiga ah iyo Qaababka Ibnu-Aadamku ugu nool yahay ifka kaas oo aan dhawaan dhamaystay haddana weli wado akhriskii dheeraadka ahaa ee buugaag kala duwan, maqaalo ay qoreen dad faro badan oo arrimahan hore u bartay, ugu shaqeeyay, dadkoodana ku matalay sidii noloshooda iyo dawladahoodaba ay wax ugu tari lahaayeen, calal aqal fikir saliim ah oo umadda inta badan anfacaya ugu tuuri lahaayeen dhegaha inta soo jeedda kaasoo marka dambe gaadhi kara cid saamayn iyo awoodba u leh in ay hir-geliso.

Anoo adeegsanaya luuqadaha Ingiriisida iyo Soomaaliba, waxa aan ku qori doonaa bogagayga LinkedInka iyo Blogger.com qoraallo shaqsi oon marnaba si gaar ah u quseyn Karin cid gaar ah balse taxliilinaya arrimo kala duwan oo ka jira dhulka Soomaalida ee Geeska Afrika, wadamada la jaarka dhulkii la odhan jiray ‘Somali Republic’ iyo Afrika guud ahaamba.  Qoraaladaasi waxay gabi ahaanba ku salaysnaan doonaan xogaha bacadyaalka ah ee ku jira boggaga internet-ka, Youtube, Buugaag Qoran, iyo fikir ahaan taxliilin shaqsi ah sida aan u arko anigoo isu gaynaya aqoonta aan bartay iyo qaab-fikirkeyga dabiiciga ah isla markaana aan cidna ku metelin!

Samatar G. Ahmed (Hargeysa, Somaliland)

UNIVERSITY OF HARGEISA - My Life in the Campus

ABOUT THE UNIVERSITY OF HARGEISA

University of Hargeisa is one of high education institutes established in Hargeisa—the capital of Somaliland. It has been established in the year 2000. University of Hargeisa currently offers only Degree programs on multiple faculties, including Business Administration and Economics; Science and Technology; Law and Legal Clinic and others. (http://www.hargeisauniversity.net/).

फोरेवोRD

Really, it is not an easy task to get enrolled at university and have a patience until the end with successful results, especially in Somaliland context because of the more obstacles that are present similar to most African countries i.e. economic ability, and uncertainty in the future, but a long and difficult journey with its considerable consequences.

Thanks to ALLAH for having made it possible for me to manage that long journey with successful results and have my quest and dream of acquiring a university education realized.

For me, this was and Inshaa’ ALLAAH will be a major break-through step in my life and self-improvement efforts, as I believe that learning is the basis of sociality and development..

THE WAY I HAD DEVELOPED MY DECISION TO GO TO UNIVERSITY OF HARGEISA

I had ‘Civil Engineering’ especially Architecture as my favorite field of study when it comes to university education. For this reason, I had began to study Technical Drawing & Design (I had studied that well, although not deeply, and have it as one of the building blocks of my background knowledge) in order to pave the way for my favorite field of study.

The time was running faster than I wanted, none of the Civil Engineering sub fields was available. Anyway I came under pressure to make decision and choose one of the available fields. This time I conceded that ‘Fishing is possible in many ways, no matter which one you know, they all catch fishes’ according to the book MANAGEMENT THOUGHTS FOR THE FAMILY IN BUSINESS of Promod and Vijay Batra.

Therefore, I had made my way to the University of Hargeisa, Faculty of Economics and Business Administration.

BEGINNING OF THE JOURNEY

It was Thursday, 30th September 2004, my first day at the University of Hargeisa—a beautiful rainy day. The new students (5th batch to get enrolled at the university) were introducing to one-another and were talking about the faculties they had chosen.

Anyhow the lectures of the first semester got underway and the first lecture I had attended was an Economics (Micro View) and really was very interesting. There on, things were continuing smoothly, semester after semester, year after year.

In the course of those four-years I had experienced many exciting situations. On the one hand, as normal in the environment of universities, the examinations and the necessary effort on studying, analyzing and reading the text books were really a hard work, whereas on the other hand, there were many social situations that were also of great concern for me particularly. Personally, in the middle of the second semester I had fallen ill and did not attend the lectures for more than thirty days (about one-third of the duration of the semester). In those days, I did not hope that I can resume the university attendance with my classmates but the later batches. Anyway, I had managed that ordeal with help of Allah because I had been reluctant to the forces of despair, and as soon as I felt I can attend the university lectures, I did so while still feeling ill and afraid to lose my control in the campus as well. Thanks to Allah, I had recovered in full and my situation returned normal.

Moreover, as there were two sessions of the lectures (morning and afternoon session) I had been attending the lectures in the morning session for the first two years, and afternoon sessions in the last two years of the university.

Really, this had allowed me to make more acquaintances and friends than single session students (a good point I had not planned but accidentally came across).

As a university graduate, my way of thinking has changed a lot since my first day at the University of Hargeisa. Thanks to the academic and social environment at the university where many Somaliland lecturers who studied overseas—India, Canada, Sudan USA et cetera not only pay lectures but also share their experience of the life in the Diaspora with the students.

In the last quarter of the year 2005 (29th September), the parliamentary elections were scheduled in Somaliland; thus Somaliland National Electoral Commission (NEC) had chosen the university students to be the chairmen and secretaries of the polling stations.

All the students were sworn that they will manage the polling stations fairly and will be impartial among the contesting political parties (Ucid, Kulmiye, and Udub). This was the first time in my life that I was sworn in publicly for any reason. After that I had worked as a secretary/clerk of ‘polling station #810’ in a village near Alleybadey on the border between Somaliland and Ethiopia.

However, the four years in which I was going to the University of Hargeisa despite the acquisition of high education had absolutely a positive impact on my life in the aspects of sociality, morality and personality.

By July 2008, the schedule of four year studying at the university came to an end. For me, that was a good step forward and to the right direction and a success journey in terms of the social experience and the knowledge acquired although this is the start of a long life to come Inshaa’Allaah and the first step of the high education with the prospect of upgrading my recently-achieved Bachelor Degree in Accounting to MBA, then PhD and Beyond. Is There…!

Finally, at the end of the journey, the graduation ceremony was organized and conducted on Monday, 18 August 2008 at the campus of the university. In that day, we (the 250 graduates as the 5th batch of the University of Hargeisa) were awarded the Bachelor Degrees that we were struggling and looking forward to for four years.

All in all, I was feeling sense of achievement and the university days came to an end smoothly.

FIELD OF GRADUATION AND THE WAY FORWARD

The field of Accounting (the one on which I have been given the Bachelor Degree) is a field which is very important with respect to the business context in Somaliland because in most Somaliland businesses, formal accounting is not familiar, but traditional and informal method are employed in order to keep track of financial data and records. This needs to be changed because the formal accounting is more effective and user friendly; but those in needs are unaware.

For this reason, the efforts of introducing the businesses who need formal and suitable accounting practices and techniques have the chance to use knowledge of graduate students. This enhances the career expectations of those graduates who learned Accounting.

Personally I look the way forward with positive and optimistic eyes whether it be my career expectations versus the current situation in Somaliland.

Recently, I have noticed that University of Hargeisa, laid the cornerstone for a post-graduate program in Peace & Conflict Studies; this is good news because my hope of getting a chance to further my knowledge of Accounting to MBA is higher than before.

A WORD ON MY THESIS PAPER

As a partial fulfillment to the requirements for the award of a Bachelor Degree in Accounting, Every graduating student had had to carry out a research project (thesis writing). Since I have been a member of the students, I had chosen a topic on which to make a research. It was entitled ‘The Ownership of Resources and Business Venturing in Hargeisa’. It did encompass several research questions whose objectives were the following:

• To explore how business-owners in Hargeisa got the idea of starting up businesses, if they ever had business lessons, and how they acquired the start-up capital.
• If business prospects/owners seek and believe the importance of business consultations.
• To determine what influenced the choice of one business type than others among business people in Hargeisa.
• The problems that business prospects face when starting up business and if they got help in the start-up stage.
• To explore what businesspeople would be doing with their money if they were not to go to business.
• To determine if their business is primary source of income and if they are thinking over stopping business.
• In the case of business venturing, do they prefer to pioneer a new business or join a traditional one?
• And if they employ practical techniques and knowledge or not.
• Anyway, it had become possible for me to conduct it successfully, and submitted it on time and to the supervisor assigned to me and other nine students.

T H E E N D

Knowledge is Mightier than Power - a phenomenon I experienced firsthand

 The technology era, earlier I had my access to the world news, regional affairs, free films and other programs through the Middle East satellite called Nilesat 101, 102 @ 7.0W. (Free-to-air channels).
Recently, several Somali channels have gone to air for free through the Thai satellite Thaicom 2, 5 @ 78.5E. For this reason, I have purchased another satellite dish for receiving the other.

For the two satellites to be watched simultaneously a multi port DiSEqC 2.0 was to be purchased and I did that and acquired a one. After I connected it with the dishes and the receiver, there was no signal, I have taken several steps in the receiver settings and managed to receive of the two satellites but not the other. Many attempts failed. Then I decided that the DiSEqC 2.0 was defective (actually it was not) and disassembled it having no hope to use it again.

I have purchased a new one from a local credited electronics retailer in Hargeisa—the town where I live in Somaliland; unfortunately there was no change totally and felt pity. This caused me look for the ‘operation manual’ of the satellite receiver and read it well. I have found and solved the problem very easily—all about several touches of the Remote Control’s buttons.

“I had better to have had the ‘operation manual’ read before making the decision to purchase a new one.”

This incident reminded me the story in the DR. AL SIEBERT’s book—How to Thrive and Survive in any Life Crisis. (…illustration in the story about a man who fixed a plumbing problem by hitting a pipe with a hammer. His bill for $100 was itemed: “$5 for hitting the pipe--$95 for knowing where to hit.”)

[No matter the double cost I have incurred but I have learned a FACT OF LIFE wihc will help me the rest of my life].

Somaliland Voter Registration - Maroodi-Jeeh Region (Reg. Centre # 489)

 1st - 6th December 2008

The registration of voters of Awdal Region in the upcoming elections in the year 2009 came to an end successfully but with a terrible explosions on 29th October 2008 in Hargeisa leaving 24 persons dead and another 28 injured. This incident hindered the smooth running of the voter registration program in Somaliland and caused the postponement of the Marodi-Jeeh region’s voter registration scheme for one month.

Anyway, the registration got underway on December 1st 2008 and came to an end on 6th December in harmony. During the registration programme in Marodi Jeeh region, My Reg team # 143 was armed by the National Electoral Commission with ‘An Electronic Registration Kit, a Supplies Box, an Electricity engine and two Hilux Surf Cars.

We headed to ‘Jaleelo’—a large village to the east of Hargeisa for 35-minute drive – one day before the scheduled start date of the registration. We were received at the village warmly by all the villagers especially ‘the leader Gud. Ali Hussein’ and the village head teacher Mr. Nim’aan Farah. This has satisfied all the registration team members and as a team leader I appreciate and acknowledge that on behalf of the team.
In addition, during the six day scheme of the registration, we were hosted and accommodated absolutely well. We were given three large rooms for sleeping and registration; as well, there were multiple meat feasts plus daily free jebis-qaat for the chewers of the team. Really, this is a positive and unique dignity of Jaleelo villagers which will be stamped on my memory.

At the beginning of the registration, we started the work smoothly and faced no problem at all for those six days of registration. At the last day, we have closed the registration with almost one thousand voters registered who will be voting in the coming three elections in 2009 Inshaa’ Allah.

ABOUT JALEELOThe village of Jaleelo located to the east of Hargeisa for about 40-minutes drive between the other two villages Rabley and Xumbo Weyne. It derived the name ‘Jaleelo’ from a small mountain beside it. The people who live in it are mostly fruit farmers because there are big rivers near the village and thus have hundreds of fruit farms upon which the villagers depend financially.
Despite being farmers, the villagers are connected to all towns of Somaliland by the GSM service of local telecommunication companies and as well to the world by the free-to-air cable televisions received with the satellite dishes. Recently, there have emerged about five Somali-speaking free-to-air cable televisions (RAAD TV International, Horn Cable TV, SLNTV, Universal and ETN. The villagers of Jaleelo are familiar with those channels.

THE END

Somaliland Voter Registration - Awdal Region (Reg. Centre # 142)

24—29 October 2008

The National Electoral Commission of Somaliland (NEC) launched on 14th October 2008 an electronic registration of voters of the upcoming presidential, municipal and parliamentarian elections in the next year.

As planned by the NEC, the V-registration will not get conducted across the six regions of Somaliland simultaneously, but each region at once and then the next region unless all the eligible voters are registered.
The coastal region of Sahel was the first, then Awdal, so on and so forth.

After a recruitment exam, I got the chance to be member of the V-registration staff. The V-registration staffs were organized by the NEC as 8-person teams and were not to operate in every region. My V-Registration team was ‘V-Reg # 143’ and was not operational in Sahel region, but was mobilized for Awdal region. In the meantime, we were busy on four-day training on the Electronic Registration Kits that were to be used for the Voter Registration.

Anyway, when the turn of Awdal region came, we (V-Reg team # 143) were given two Toyota Hilux Surf cars and were assigned to go to Registration Centre #142 (Carro Weyn—a village 3hrs drive to the north of Baki district, Awdal Region.


THE BEGINNING OF THE MISSION

Before 24th October 2008 (the day V-Registration was to get underway), each registration team was be standby in their respective registration centre. We are in Hargeisa. After several hours of organizing our team and collecting the E-registration kit, supplies box and an electricity generator, we had had the midday meal at Hadhwanaag restaurant in Hargeisa and rested there for two hours.

On 4:00pm o’clock, we headed to Borama—the capital city of Awdal region. We reached it on 6:00pm and slept for that night there in Borama having had our cars parked in the compound of the regional office of the National Electoral Commission. This time we had 24hrs left to get to the registration centre which was about 90kms away from Borama.

The next morning, I have accidentally noticed that I was carrying with our team a wrong Registration Kit (the kit for Laas-Khadar, Reg Centre 126 instead of Carro Weyn, Reg Centre # 142) and was my own fault because I had better check it on the spot of handover. This had caused me to worry a lot because I was aware of the wrong ID cards and Voter cards the erroneous change of the Registration Kits can cause.

Soon I had called and informed the NEC officers in Borama and as well the central office in Hargeisa. They had acknowledged that and attempted all they can to solve, but due to shortage of time and technical difficulties, the problem was not solved. The only solution became that we go to the registration centre, and they told me that IT specialists will come after us to solve the problem; unfortunately that did not materialize.

Anyway, we drove away from Borama to Baki at 9:00am where we had had the midday meal. The road that connects Borama and Baki is rough which goes through a long range of huge mountains unless the town of Baki is reached. As well, the road from Baki to Carro Weyn passes through a long ranges of mountains and also crosses four rivers and one flowing torrent known as ‘Durdurka Cad’.

In Baki we were joined two members of the Reg team # 143 who were village natives and nominated by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Then we passed to the registration centre #142. That day, we spent most of the daylight and part of the night on the cars and finally reached the destination at 8:20pm.

On Friday, 24th October 2008, it was the first day of V-registration program and all E-registration kits were to be activated and were programmed to be active only the six days of the registration. Since my registration kit was not the one for Carro Weyn, I as the team leader was unable to start registration. For this reason I had made contact with the NEC officer in Baki district by a radio we had in the registration centre for consultation and solution to the problem.
Fortunately, Laas-Khadar registration team were also carrying with them wrong Registration Kit—the kit for ‘Carro Weyn’. This means, they were carrying our Kit and we were carrying theirs. Therefore, the NEC top officer in Baki district contacted both of us and informed that we come back to Baki in order to collect our correct Registration Kits. We did that and it took us almost seven hours to collect our correct kit and get back to the registration centre # 142.

On Saturday, the second day of the registration, we have started the registration successfully and worked extra hours in the night in order to compensate the first day which we were not working and keep the right of the villagers as well as fulfill our promise to work six consecutive days. Anyway, things were going on smoothly for the scheduled six days of voter registration.


ABOUT ‘CARRO WEYN’Carro Weyn is a village which located the north west of Baki district in Awdal Region, Somaliland. I cannot guess the exact distance between Baki and Carro Weyn, but in terms of driving hours, it took us 3hrs 15mins to reach Carro Weyn from Baki.
A range of huge mountains surround the village from all sides. The people who live there are mostly animal herders although there are small number of rain farms. Most of the people depend on their animals for their daily life.

We lived there in Carro Weyn for six days—the six days the V-registration was under way. The villagers worked with us well during the registration days and we were welcomed warmly by the villagers as a whole and particularly by the village leader Sh. Cali who had slaughtered a he goat and made a memorable feast for us the first night. We appreciate that and many thanks to the villagers.

The registration came to an end successfully on 29 October 2008, and by this day afternoon, we headed back to Borama since all the eligible villagers were registered. Finally, on Thursday, 30th October 2008, we came back to Hargeisa, handed over all the registration equipment to the National Electoral Commission and then gone homes!!! The next mission is coming… (489—Jaleelo, Hargeisa).

The End